Moderna Muted Presentation

This article briefly surveys the history of pandemics in the West, contesting long-held assumptions that epidemics sparked hatred and blame of the ‘Other’, and that it was worse when diseases were mysterious as to their causes and cures. The article finds that blame and hate were rarely connected with pandemics in history. In antiquity, epidemics more often brought societies together rather than dividing them as continued to happen with some diseases such as influenza in modernity. On the other hand, some diseases such as cholera were more regularly blamed than others and triggered violence even after their agents and mechanisms of transmission had become well known. Nelkin D, Gilman SL. Placing blame for devastating disease.

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Social Research. 1988; lv:362–78. In Mack A, editor. In Time of Plague: the History and Social Consequences of Lethal Epidemic Disease.

New York: 1991. This article has had an authoritative impact on others investigating scapegoating and the social-psychological consequences of epidemics (see, for instance, Craddock S. City of Plagues: Disease, Poverty, and Deviance in San Francisco. Minneapolis, Minn.: 2000.

Echenberg M. Black Death, White Medicine: Bubonic Plague and the Politics of Public Health in Colonial Senegal, 1914–45. Portsmith, N.H.: 2002. Cannibalism and contagion: framing syphilis in Counter-Reformation Italy. Early Science and Medicine. 1998; iii:1–31. For the rapid spread of diseases with coughs and other flu symptoms in the early modern period to the 20th century, see Potter CW.

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A history of influenza. Jour.Applied Microbiology.

2001; xci:572–9. The Diffusion of Influenza: Patterns and Paradigms. Crosby AW, Jr., Kiple. Plague, Pox and Pestilence. Influenza: in the grip of the grippe; pp.

In: Handbook of Geographical and Historical Pathology, i: Acute Infective Diseases. Creighton C, translator.

Cohn SK, Alfani G. Households and plague in early modern Italy. Interdisciplinary History. 2007; xxxviii:177–205. Flu: a Social History of Influenza.

The CholeraYears. Serious threat of violence persisted to the last wave of cholera in New York City in 1892, when the quarantined passengers aboard the Normannia tried to disembark on Fire Island. At the docks ‘an enraged mob of several hundred residents from Islip armed with muskets, guns, rifles’ defied the health office of the port of New York. The safe passage of the quarantined could only take place after the arrival of two regiments of both the national guard and the naval reserve Russell CE. These Shifting Scenes.

New York: 1914. And Markel, pp. Sword of Pestilence: the New Orleans Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1853. Baton Rouge, La.: 1966. ‘Even at the peak of the outbreak the newspapers maintained an incredibly calm and objective approach to local news they refrained from excessive criticism (p. 93) In view of the almost universal assumption by the middle and upper classes that the poor brought on disease by their dissolute, immoral, and intemperate lives, one can only assume that the yellow fever had had a sobering effect upon the poor or else had made the upper classes more tolerant!’ (p. accessed 3 Aug.

2011; Perseus 4.0. Last updated in 2007 at. The Perseus collection, however, is weak in the number of Greek and Roman texts it has thus far downloaded for late antiquity. For instance, it does not include the histories of Cassius Dio ( c.155– c.229) or Paolo Orosius (ca.

420), which recorded several epidemics in the first centuries after Christ. I used keyword searches (epidemic, pandemic, plague, pestilence, pestilential, disease, poison and variants of these words). Individual deaths, metaphorical usage and legendary plagues that are difficult to pin down chronologically, such as ones in the Bible, were discarded from my tallies. I have supplemented the Perseus searches with ones for Livy in the Brepols Library of Latin Texts (A), finding six further epidemics accessed 26 Apr. And have added two from skimming through Paulus Orosius, Seven Books of History Against the Pagans. Another exception is Livy’s description of an epidemic in 174–3 B.C. (41.22), which began with cattle and spread to humans, who ‘seldom survived the seventh day’, and those who did suffered ‘a long and tedious illness, which generally took the form of a quartidian ague’.The victims were principally slaves, ‘their unburied bodies lay scattered in all the streets’.

According to Livy, dogs and vultures would not touch the contaminated corpses. In a few instances, Livy shows an awareness of certain diseases as having been highly contagious and even suggests some understanding of immunity as with an epidemic of 212 B.C.

(25.26 and copied almost verbatim by Pliny the Elder, The Natural History, 9.73) that broke out in the Carthaginian and Roman camps while they were at war with one another in Sicily. He observes that those nursing the sick and others in contact with them became infected; the native Sicilians were the least affected by the epidemic, then came the Romans, who had been in Sicily and had acclimatized longer to its conditions than the Carthaginians, and lastly the Carthaginians. Also, on an elementary sense of immunity, see Ovid, Metamorphoses, 7.453; and Thucydides’ famous description of the plague of Athens in History of the Peloponnesian War, 2.47 to 2.54 (i. In addition to seeing the spread of the Athenian plague through those who nursed the ill, Thucydides most clearly notes the pattern of acquired immunity: ‘But still it was more often those who had recovered who had pity for the dying and the sick, because they had learnt what it meant and were themselves by this time confident of immunity; for the disease never attacked the same man a second time, at least not with fatal results’ (2.51, i. His tract on the plague, De mortalitate, describes the signs and symptoms of the disease and claims that ‘Many of us died from it’, but says nothing about persecution that supposedly ensued from it Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum Latinorum, iii: S.Thasci Caecili Cypriani opera omnia. Vindobonae: 1868.

Graeme Clarke, nonetheless, conjectures:‘One can imagine orders for a public expiation against the plague, at a ceremony in the circus from which the notable figure of the leader of the Christians – popularly blamed for the visitation of the plague through their failure to worship “Roman gods”’ Clarke G. Third-century Christianity. In: Bowman AK, Garnsey P, Cameron A, editors. Cambridge Ancient History, xii: the Crisis of Empire, A.D. Cambridge: 2005. 637 Clarke supplies no evidence that any such persecution followed on the heels of this epidemic or, if it did, that it was blamed on Christians.

The later Christian chronicle of the 10 persecutions from the time of Nero to Constantine’s Edict in 313, does not allude to any persecution stemming from the eruption or spread of plague. Instead, the relationship was the other way around: the Romans paid for their persecutions by God’s vengeance, served on them in the form of plagues (see Fear AT, translator. Orosius: Seven Books of History against the Pagans.

Translated texts for historians, liv; Liverpool: 2010. On statistics for the decline of typhus in Germany, Poland, Russia and the Ukraine, see Weindling, app.

428–36; on its exaggerated and localized epidemics and the Nazi policies and epidemic outbreak at Warsaw and other ghettoes in the early 1940s, see pp. 10, 14, 87, 298, 393, 425, 426–7.

It is not clear that typhus had such power to ignite hatred in other areas of Europe or the United States in the 19th and 20th centuries or earlier. With the typhus epidemic in NewYork City of 1892, blame was placed on the influx of Russian Jews, and certain journalists and politicians drew anti-Semitic conclusions, but despite unequal treatment, health board officials issued no official proclamations of anti-Semitism, and with the quick decline in typhus deaths, public opinion linking the disease to Russian immigration disappeared (Markel, pp.

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